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Practicum / মঙ্গলে যেতে আর ১৪ বছর!
« on: April 04, 2019, 12:47:03 PM »
২০৩৩ সাল, অর্থাৎ আগামী ১৪ বছরের মধ্যে মঙ্গলে মানুষ পাঠাতে চাইছে মার্কিন মহাকাশ সংস্থা নাসা। এর আগে ২০২৪ সালের মধ্যে চাঁদে আরেকবার মার্কিন নভোচারী পাঠানোর পরিকল্পনা করেছে তারা।

মার্কিন কংগ্রেসে গত মঙ্গলবার এক শুনানিতে এসব পরিকল্পনার কথা জানিয়েছেন নাসার প্রশাসক জিম ব্রাইডেনস্টাইন। ব্রাইডেনস্টাইন বলেন, ‘চাঁদে আরেকবার নভোচারী পাঠানোর মাধ্যমে মঙ্গলে নভোচারী পাঠানোর পথে আমরা এগিয়ে যেতে চাই। আর দুই অভিযানের সময়ই এগিয়ে আনতে চাই আমরা। মঙ্গলে ২০৩৩ সালেই আমরা প্রথম মানুষের পদার্পণ ঘটাতে পারব বলে আশা করছি। এ জন্য চাঁদে নভোচারী পাঠানোর সময়সীমা চার বছর এগিয়ে এনে ২০২৪ সাল করা হয়েছে।’

মঙ্গলে যেকোনো অভিযান শুরু করে শেষ করতে অন্তত দুই বছর সময় লাগবে। দুই গ্রহের বিশাল দূরত্ব একবার পাড়ি দিতেই লাগবে শুধু ছয় মাস। যেখানে চাঁদে যেতে লাগে মাত্র তিন দিন। তাও যখন-তখন মঙ্গলের উদ্দেশে যাত্রা করতে পারবে না নাসা। পৃথিবী ও মঙ্গল যখন সূর্যের একই পাশে চলে আসে, তখন দূরত্ব কমে যায়। আর দুই গ্রহ সবচেয়ে কাছাকাছি অবস্থানে আসে ২৬ মাস পরপর। এ রকম একটা সময় মঙ্গল অভিযানের জন্য আদর্শ। সেটা মাথায় রেখেই এগোচ্ছে নাসা। সে অনুযায়ী নাসার পরিকল্পনা ২০৩৩ সাল ঘিরে।
Source: https://www.prothomalo.com/technology/article/1586943/%E0%A6%AE%E0%A6%99%E0%A7%8D%E0%A6%97%E0%A6%B2%E0%A7%87-%E0%A6%AF%E0%A7%87%E0%A6%A4%E0%A7%87-%E0%A6%86%E0%A6%B0-%E0%A7%A7%E0%A7%AA-%E0%A6%AC%E0%A6%9B%E0%A6%B0

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প্রচলিত আইন গত প্রতিকার চাডাও যে কেউ চাইলেই  কমপ্লইন করতে পারেন ,পুলিশ হেডকোয়ার্টার্সে ‘আইজিপি’স কমপ্লেইন সেল’ এখন থেকে সার্বক্ষণিক অর্থাৎ ২৪ ঘণ্টাই চালু থাকবে।
জনসাধারণ এখন থেকে পুলিশ সদস্যের যেকোনো অপেশাদার ও অনৈতিক কর্মকাণ্ড সম্পর্কে সরাসরি, কুরিয়ার সার্ভিস ও ডাকযোগে অথবা ০১৭৬৯৬৯৩৫৩৫, ০১৭৬৯৬৯৩৫৩৬ মোবাইল নম্বরে এবং complain@police.gov.bd ই-মেইলে এ সেলে অভিযোগ করতে পারবেন।

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At least 1,00,000 of the displaced Rohingya people, now living in Bangladesh, will be shifted to Bhasanchar Island in Noakhali soon for giving them shelter there until their repatriation. The Bangladesh Premier said this when UN Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director of the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) Dr Natalia Kanem met her at her office. On the other hand, the newly appointed UN Secretary-General's special envoy to Myanmar Christine Schraner Burgener thanked the Bangladesh government as well as the people of the country for giving shelter to a huge number of Rohingyas. In a related development, a major canal dredging and renovation project worth $20,000 is underway to protect local residents and Rohingyas in Cox's Bazar from impending monsoon floods.
Source: The Bangladesh Insight.

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A Dhaka declaration containing a nine-point action plan was announced at the second International Conference on Disability and Disaster Risk Management with a view to improving the life of people with disabilities as well as enhancing disaster risk management around the globe. The Dhaka declaration focuses on international collaboration, research, survey, disabled-friendly private and public investment. Around 100 representatives from 35 countries took part in the international conference to share knowledge and insights on disability and disaster risk management.

source: The Bangladesh Insight

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Law / Bangabandhu-1 satellite reaches its orbital slot
« on: May 28, 2018, 09:26:00 AM »

Bangladesh’s first commercial satellite has reached its orbital slot 11 days after launch. The communication satellite completed the first phase of launch - Launch and Early Orbit Phase – on Monday while the second phase of the launch, Satellite in Orbit – will take 20 days to complete. A SpaceX rocket blasted off carrying the satellite into orbit early on May 12 from the US. Built by Thales Alenia Space Facilities in France, the satellite will provide Ku-band and C-band television and data services across Bangladesh in a mission valued at some $280 million, including the cost of the Falcon 9 rocket.

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Law / Human rights and access to justice
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:12:44 AM »

Access to justice is also framed in the language of human rights. As stated in a UNDP report on the subject, "access to justice is a fundamental right, as well as a key means to defend other rights." Indeed, if citizens can access justice institutions (formal and informal), they are in a better position to get their human, political, legal, and socio-economic rights recognized and protected. On the contrary, the deprivation of that access means the denial of human rights, socioeconomic vulnerability, legal uncertainty, and political discrimination. International human rights principles and standards also constitute the normative framework by which the efficiency, fairness, and legitimacy of justice systems are assessed. Indeed, the notion of access to justice also involves the guarantee of the quality of the justice process

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Law / Human rights and transitional justice
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:11:26 AM »

Transitional justice refers to a field of activity focused on how societies address legacies of past human rights abuses through a combination of complementary judicial and extra-judicial mechanisms, as well as different forms of exploring the violent past. This means that human rights law constitutes the overarching frame of reference for transitional justice. More specifically, "transitional justice relies on international law to make the case that states undergoing transitions are faced with certain legal obligations, including halting ongoing human rights abuses, investigating past crimes, identifying those responsible for human rights violations, imposing sanctions on those responsible, providing reparations to victims, preventing future abuses, preserving and enhancing peace, and fostering individual and national reconciliation."
Here, the retrospective and prospective dimensions of justice are closely inter-related. The traumatic events of the past create heavy legacies for future generations...if not addressed, [they] risk undermining efforts to establish sustainable human rights protection systems...The lack of justice and accountability perpetuates climates of impunity, which undermine the rule of law as well as exacerbating a sense of injustice and discrimination within targeted communities. Transitional justice programs also have secondary effects on the capacity of a society and a state to protect human rights in a sustainable manner. Through public information campaigns organized for the transitional justice process, these programs contribute to raising public awareness about human rights protection; generally mobilize extensive civil society networks as well members of the national judicial system, potentially contributing to the building of a sustainable community engaged in the protection of human rights.  The Special Court for Sierra Leone, for example, initiated a public outreach campaign that aims to inform and explain the work of the Court, the broader issues of justice and the citizens role. The principle that effective transitional justice is integral to the ability of a state to build a sustainable human rights protection system is expressly acknowledged by the UN, as exemplified by frequent statements of the High Commissioner for Human Rights.

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Law / Human Rights and Traditional/Informal Justice Systems
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:09:58 AM »
Human Rights and Traditional/Informal Justice Systems
Informal dispute resolution systems often help alleviate the deep state of lawlessness and injustice created by the absence of a functioning formal justice system. In that perspective, traditional and informal justice systems may help limit the occurrence of human rights abuses.44 However, they are often seen, in some cases with good reason, as incompatible or at least not respectful of individual rights and other standards established in international law. In addition to discriminatory practices, recourse to inhuman and degrading punishments are the most common issues encountered with respect to traditional or informal justice systems, in particular those systems that are based on the application of a fundamentalist interpretation of religious principles. As a consequence, human rights activities are concerned with ensuring that adequate monitoring mechanisms are put in place to make sure that these systems comply with human rights standards. Human rights trainings are also organized to help improve the rules and practices of traditional/informal systems so that they comply with international human rights standards.

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Law / Human rights and (re)construction
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:08:42 AM »

Human rights promotion and protection depend on the existence of a well-functioning justice system and of laws that comply with international human rights standards and norms. The reforms in both sectors are therefore intimately linked. Most post-conflict states lack a functioning and legitimate judicial system. Reforms and efforts to (re)build that system are crucial elements in the process of promoting and protecting human rights.

More specifically, the following activities explicitly refer to human rights:
•   Law reform: reforming/redrafting laws in accordance with international human rights standards; promulgation of legal codes and statutes including fair trial norms (civil and criminal) in line with the protection of basic human rights;
•   Standards for the independence of the judiciary and other justice officials;
•   Human rights training and education for judges, prosecutors, and public defenders;
•   Guarantee of freedom of lawyers to practice their profession without fear of retribution;
•   Protection of human rights defenders who attempt to use the judicial system to redress human rights abuses;
•   Removing discriminatory provisions from existing statutes and ensuring that transitional regulations adopted under the authority of the United Nations are compatible with human rights norms.
•   Oversight and accountability mechanisms:  judges and lawyers must be accountable, if they engage in criminal or unethical conduct, especially corruption.  Fair and transparent processes must be established to handle such disciplinary actions and to show the public that things have changed and that no one is above the law.  Some law practitioners working in post-conflict settings argue that oversight and accountability may be the single most important factors in the wide range of human rights and justice and rule of law activities, but are also often missed. These are important not only in the immediate aftermath of a violent conflict, but also to ensure a sustainable peace.

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Law / Addressing the structural causes of violent conflict
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:05:42 AM »

A human-rights based approach to peacebuilding is closely related to issues of justice and rule of law. Yet it also goes beyond that. The scope and definition of human rights include such norms as the rights associated with political participation, economic and social rights, freedom of expression, and nondiscrimination.
The activities and programs stemming from this broader understanding of human rights will include not only the pursuit of justice and reconciliation, establishing the parameters to balance the demands of victims with concerns regarding socio-political stability,37 but will also aim to:
•   incorporate international human rights standards into all sectors;
•   ensure the personal freedom and security of individuals and groups; guarantees for the freedom of media, trade unions and all civil society groups, and against all kind of discrimination (ethnic, religious, gender, etc.);
•   prevent the outbreak of future hostilities (including constitutional reforms, restructuring of the government, security forces, and judicial system);
•   foster broader social, political, and economic reform (targeting social and economic inequities, redistribution, discrimination, and ensuring legitimacy, accountability, transparency and participation, etc.).
In post-conflict situations, there might be a tendency to focus attention and activities on civil and political rights as they may be perceived as the most urgent and fundamental to be respected if peace is to be achieved. "Nonetheless, ignoring economic, social, and cultural rights, even in the immediate post-settlement phase, risks failing to respond to the immediate needs and expectations of those directly affected."39 The protection of all these rights forms a safeguard against domination and discrimination for all communities. In other words, "the human rights dimension signals a fundamental change in the nature of the state." In the socio-economic realm, a rights-based based approach to development focuses not only on the amelioration of peoples economic conditions, but also on their social and political well-being, as well as on the states obligation to guarantee the enjoyment of these rights on an equal basis and without discrimination. As Amartya Sen stated in his pioneering work, "development can be seen...as a process of expanding the real freedoms that people enjoy." Therefore, actors of socio-economic development play an important role in the human rights agenda.

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Law / Positive Peace Vs Negative Peace Approach
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:02:04 AM »
Positive and Negative Peace

In the first case (human rights violations are treated as a symptom of conflict), the desired outcome will be what some have called "negative peace" (the absence of direct violence and armed conflict); in the second case (human rights violations as a cause of conflict), the goal will be to achieve "positive peace" (a structural transformation towards a socio-political and economic system capable of fostering justice and ensuring a self-sustained peace). Even though these approaches are not necessarily mutually exclusive, and may sometimes be undertaken in a sequential manner, they have very concrete operational implications in terms of the extent of the reforms to engage, the type and duration of the programs to support them, and the criteria which will serve to monitor their implementation. 

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Law / Two understandings relating to Peace
« on: May 24, 2018, 05:00:18 AM »
Two understandings leading to different approaches and outputs
The distinction between human rights violations as symptoms or causes of a violent conflict is not merely theoretical. Indeed, it reflects distinct analytical lenses that hold potentially different policy implications. "For both human rights actors and conflict management practitioners, it matters whether gross human rights violations resulting from conflict is the main concern, or whether the focus is on conflict resulting from a denial of human rights. The problems to be addressed are different and so are the desired outcomes."

If human rights violations are first perceived as symptoms of conflict, the primary objective is to protect people from further abuses, to limit the excesses of war, and to protect civilians and other vulnerable groups. Activities of intermediaries are then aimed at mitigating, alleviating, and containing the destructive manifestations of conflict, in particular any form of physical violence. But if human rights violations are perceived foremost as the cause of the eruption or escalation of a violent conflict, the main objective of activities by both human rights and conflict management practitioners is to address the structural, systemic conditions that give rise to violent conflict in a society. The scholar Johann Galtung introduced the term structural violence to refer to situations where injustice, repression, and exploitation are built into the fundamental structures of society, and where the rights and interests of individuals or groups are impeded upon due to differential access to political representation, economic advancement, and material well-being that is built into a social system. In such situations, a conflict management perspective on human rights must aim at satisfying human needs.11 "The protection and promotion of human rights addresses structural causes of violent conflict by working towards the satisfaction of basic human needs. Institutionalising respect for human rights through, for example, constitutional endorsement of fundamental human rights, the independence of the judiciary, and an independent human rights commission may ensure that such protection is sustained over a period of time and becomes a matter of state policy. It helps prevent high-intensity conflict by limiting the power of the state, affording citizens protection against abuse of rights, and allowing them a large measure of freedom and participation. Root causes can be addressed through measures designed to promote political pluralism, enhance transparency and accountability in governance, enable people to associate freely with groups of their choice, encourage economic growth and equity, facilitate equal access to employment, education, and health care, and strengthen the capacity of the state."


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Law / Human rights concerns at different stages of conflict
« on: May 24, 2018, 04:57:19 AM »

Human rights considerations are important factors throughout the course of a violent conflict. Although analysts do not necessarily agree about the number of stages and how they overlap, the model developed by the scholars Julie Mertus and Jeffrey Helsing, is an interesting example as it shows how human rights concerns may evolve in the course of a conflict. For analytical purposes, they have identified three--inevitably overlapping--stages and describe the role played by human rights considerations for each of them:
•   "The conflict intensification stage: Communal conflicts turn violent; human rights violations are often a root cause of conflict, and the ability of perpetrators to act with impunity contributes to the intensification of conflict; the failure to address human rights issues hinders conflict prevention efforts.
•   The armed conflict stage: Violent conflict intensifies as competing factions take up arms; human rights abuses are both a common by-product of the violence and a component of wartime strategy; international human rights norms inform standards for international intervention in conflicts, evaluation of the conduct of armed forces, and wartime protection of civilians.
•   The postconflict/postcrisis stage: Violent conflict ceases, and efforts at rebuilding begin; human rights considerations play a role in peace agreements, the treatment of refugees, civil society-building efforts, human rights education campaigns, and the creation of truth commissions and other efforts to hold perpetrators of human rights abuses accountable; if patterns of destructive relationships are not transformed into healthier patterns of interaction, this third stage can lead to a new round of intensified conflict." It is important to note that another central component of that phase is institutional reform of key state institutions, including the judiciary, the police, and prisons.

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Law / Human Rights and Negotiated Peace
« on: May 24, 2018, 04:55:51 AM »
Human rights and negotiated peace
Since the early 1990s, negotiated peace has become somewhat of an international norm of conflict termination. A survey of peace agreements including seventy agreements involving twenty-nine countries has shown that eighteen of these agreements (or series of agreements) included substantive references to human rights, although the degree of specificity and institutional commitment varied considerably. Analysts and practitioners alike disagree as to how decisive such inclusion might be.
The human rights perspective
From a human rights perspective, the inclusion of such provisions is viewed as enhancing the chances of human rights promotion and protection at the post-conflict peacebuilding stage. The advocates of such an approach strongly support the inclusion of human rights specialists in peace negotiations and the process of drafting of peace agreements. "With the assistance of these experts, negotiators have the opportunity to, inter alia, craft effective transitional justice provisions which comply with both law and best practice, enact human rights commitments, provide for human rights treaty ratification, set in train rights-based constitutional review or amendment, establish the place of human rights within post-conflict reconstruction plans, establish human rights institutions and either put in place or provide for national and international programmes of human rights monitoring and protection."17 In that perspective, a mere reference to the respect of human rights is not sufficient. Dispositions to ensure long-term institutional changes (such as the establishment of national human rights institutions, reforming the existing institutions, such as the police and the judiciary) are essential.
The conflict resolution perspective
From a conflict resolution perspective, the inclusion of human rights provisions may not affect the chances of human rights promotion and protection at the post-conflict peacebuilding stage. Some even argue that when the most important objective is to stop the armed conflict and secure "negative peace," forcing the inclusion of extensive human rights provisions may hinder the chances of   reaching a peace agreement.  Yet, securing a "negative peace" is essential because without ending the violent confrontation, there can be no human rights promotion and protection.

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Law / Democratic Political Structures Towards Theory of Peace
« on: May 24, 2018, 04:41:25 AM »
Democratic political structures
The case for institutional constraints goes back to Kant (1795), who wrote:
"f the consent of the citizens is required in order to decide that war should be declared (and in this constitution it cannot but be the case), nothing is more natural than that they would be very cautious in commencing such a poor game, decreeing for themselves all the calamities of war. Among the latter would be: having to fight, having to pay the costs of war from their own resources, having painfully to repair the devastation war leaves behind, and, to fill up the measure of evils, load themselves with a heavy national debt that would embitter peace itself and that can never be liquidated on account of constant wars in the future"
Democracy thus gives influence to those most likely to be killed or wounded in wars, and their relatives and friends (and to those who pay the bulk of the war taxes) Russett (1993, p. 30). This monadic theory must, however, explain why democracies do attack non-democratic states. One explanation is that these democracies were threatened or otherwise were provoked by the non-democratic states. Doyle (1997, p. 272) argued that the absence of a monadic peace is only to be expected: the same ideologies that cause liberal states to be at peace with each other inspire idealistic wars with the illiberal, whether to defend oppressed foreign minorities or avenge countrymen settled abroad. Doyle also notes (p. 292) liberal states do conduct covert operations against each other; the covert nature of the operation, however, prevents the publicity otherwise characteristic of a free state from applying to the question
Studies show that democratic states are more likely than autocratic states to win the wars. One explanation is that democracies, for internal political and economic reasons, have greater resources. This might mean that democratic leaders are unlikely to select other democratic states as targets because they perceive them to be particularly formidable opponents. One study finds that interstate wars have important impacts on the fate of political regimes, and that the probability that a political leader will fall from power in the wake of a lost war is particularly high in democratic states (Ray 1998).
As described in (Gelpi & Griesdorf 2001), several studies have argued that liberal leaders face institutionalized constraints that impede their capacity to mobilize the state’s resources for war without the consent of a broad spectrum of interests. Survey results that compare the attitudes of citizens and elites in the Soviet successor states are consistent with this argument (Braumoeller 1997). Moreover, these constraints are readily apparent to other states and cannot be manipulated by leaders. Thus, democracies send credible signals to other states of an aversion to using force. These signals allow democratic states to avoid conflicts with one another, but they may attract aggression from nondemocratic states. Democracies may be pressured to respond to such aggression — perhaps even preemptively — through the use of force. Also as described in (Gelpi & Griesdorf 2001), studies have argued that when democratic leaders do choose to escalate international crises, their threats are taken as highly credible, since there must be a relatively large public opinion for these actions. In disputes between liberal states, the credibility of their bargaining signals allows them to negotiate a peaceful settlement before mobilization.

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